Vorarlberg
1919: 80.75% voted to join Switzerland (rejected). Alemannic dialect, culturally/economically west-facing. GDP per capita €43,000 (143% EU avg), 66% export ratio (highest in Austria). Population 400,000. Integrated with Swiss/German markets more than Austrian. By 2026: EU-Swiss divergence tests dual identity.
Vorarlberg voted to leave Austria. On May 11, 1919, 80.75% of voters supported joining Switzerland—a landslide in 93 out of 96 municipalities. The proposal failed not because Vorarlbergers wanted to stay Austrian, but because nobody else wanted them to move. Swiss French and Italians opposed adding another German-speaking canton. Swiss Protestants were reluctant to incorporate a heavily Catholic region. Italy threatened to claim Ticino if Switzerland expanded eastward. Vienna objected to losing territory. The Allies worried about post-war power balances in Central Europe. Vorarlberg's referendum succeeded democratically and failed geopolitically.
A century later, that vote still defines the state. Vorarlberg's 400,000 residents speak High Alemannic German—intelligible in Zurich and St. Gallen, opaque in Vienna. It's the only Austrian state where the local dialect isn't Austro-Bavarian. Culturally, linguistically, economically, Vorarlberg faces west. At 66%, it has Austria's highest export ratio. GDP per capita is €43,000 (143% of the EU average), making it Austria's third-wealthiest state after Vienna and Salzburg. The wealth comes from manufacturing—precision components, textiles, machinery—sold to Switzerland, Liechtenstein, and southern Germany. Vorarlberg generates 4.9% of Austria's GDP with 5% of the population, but most of that value crosses the Swiss border.
The geography explains both the 1919 referendum and the modern economy. Vorarlberg sits wedged between Lake Constance (Germany), Switzerland, and Liechtenstein, connected to the rest of Austria only through the Arlberg Pass—which closes in winter. Before the Arlberg railway tunnel opened in 1884, Vorarlberg was functionally isolated from Vienna nine months per year. Trading with Zurich required crossing a border; trading with Vienna required crossing mountains. Borders are easier. When the Habsburg Empire collapsed in 1918, Vorarlberg saw an opportunity to formalize what was already true: they were more connected to Switzerland than Austria.
Modern infrastructure hasn't changed the economic logic. Yes, the Arlberg tunnel and autobahn link Vorarlberg to Tyrol. But supply chains, labor markets, and business networks run west, not east. Vorarlberg companies export precision parts to Swiss manufacturers who integrate them into watches, medical devices, and industrial machinery. Workers commute across the Swiss border daily—wage arbitrage works both directions depending on exchange rates and purchasing power. The cultural affinity (Alemannic dialect, Protestant minorities in a Catholic country, Swiss-style work culture) reinforces economic ties. Vorarlberg never joined Switzerland politically, but it joined economically.
This creates a persistent identity friction. Vorarlberg pays taxes to Vienna, receives policies from Vienna, and sends representatives to the Austrian parliament. But daily life orients west. Children learn Alemannic from parents, standard Austrian German in school, and often Swiss German from television. Business contracts reference Swiss legal standards even when Austrian law technically applies. The referendum's 80.75% wasn't a protest vote—it was a recognition that governance boundaries don't always match cultural or economic boundaries.
By 2026, Vorarlberg faces questions about how sustainable this model is. The EU eliminated Swiss-Austrian border frictions for goods and labor, making economic integration seamless. But Switzerland isn't in the EU, which creates regulatory divergence. Swiss franc strength versus the euro affects cross-border trade and commuting patterns. Austrian federal policies (taxation, labor law, energy policy) apply to Vorarlberg but were designed for Austro-Bavarian Austria, not Alemannic-speaking mountain manufacturers integrated with Swiss supply chains. The 1919 referendum failed because Switzerland didn't want Vorarlberg. The question in 2026 is whether Austria can keep a state that economically functions as Swiss but constitutionally remains Austrian. The borders haven't moved. The supply chains, identities, and daily practices have.